Right after his election incoming Turkish-Cypriot leader Ersin Tatar dismissed the prospect of a federation (which the UN and the two sides had supported) and declared he wants a two-state solution.
Instead of negotiating, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan decided to directly provoke Greece by sending the research vessel Oruc Reis to the Aegean.
To justify his military intervention on many fronts Erdogan says that he is is guided by the Ottoman past, but he is in fact reviving the catastrophic, expansionist Nazi theory of lebensraum.
Recently Turkey’s interlocutors and allies have sent Ankara strongly critical signals such as having top officials visiting the region without going to Turkey.
The international community must realise that the situation has reached its limits and that it must make it clear that enough is enough.
If the Greek government plays its cards right and remains calm it can win over even those countries in the EU which at the previous summit refused to draft a list of possible sanctions against Turkey
In light of Turkey’s erratic and dangerous policies and the policy of appeasement on the part of strong powers there is no room for complacency.
The outcome of the election in Turkish-occupied Cyprus will have an impact beyond Cyprus and above all on the climate in Greek-Turkish relations.
Erdogan's works and days reveal the archetype of a leader who is motivated by irredentism and who ineluctably must confront the monster which he created and which now threatens to destroy him.
Turkey demands the demilitarisation of the Greek Aegean islands so as to transform them into a “neutral zone”. He intimates that sovereignty over the tiny Greek island of Kastelorizo is disputable
Only France is stepping forward to staunchly and with clear judgment support Greece’s just positions. Other EU countries, however, are not doing their part as their interests have led them to adopt a neutral stance.
The second parameter of the Greece-Italy EEZ agreement is the content of the agreement – the right of islands to have sea zone
In the pre-coronavirus period he unsuccessfully tried to open many fronts at once but did not achieve the victories that as self-styled sultan he very much desired.
The prospect of Turkey exporting its internal problems - whether by sending into Greece’s or Cyprus’ Exclusive Economic zones a hydrocarbons research vessel or by creating strong migrant flows toward Greece - is not unlikely.
'Greece does what it does at its borders on behalf of the West,” he declared of Athens’ decision to entirely close its border with Turkey,' Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan declared.
Erdogan can do anything in the darkness that surrounds him but that is also his Achilles’ heel – the prospect of being destroyed by his megalomaniacal nature and abuse of the tools he believes he has at his disposal.
From that perspective, Germany has an historic obligation to lead Europe to abandon the role of passive observer as regards Syria and make it an active player.
One senior EU diplomat said the EU had squandered the time since the 2016 deal, brushing the problem under the carpet by paying for refugees and migrants to be kept in Turkey.
The Greek government announced emergency measures to counter an “asymmetrical threat” from Turkey which it accused of directing in a coordinated manner the passage of many thousands of migrants to the land and sea borders of Greece.
Provocative statements from Ankara certainly stir concerns and Turkey in the 21st century appears to be adopting an ever more aggressive stance toward its neighbours.
Authorities have carried out a sustained crackdown on alleged followers of U.S.-based Muslim cleric Fethullah Gulen since the failed bid in July 2016, in which about 250 people were killed.
All of Turkey’s positions have been articulated in the past but today they are being reiterated amid projections that the two sides may agree on a list of differences and petition the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in The Hague.
The absence of a Greek-Turkish dialogue is a bad policy that is accompanied by fatalism and introversion, which could prove exceptionally harmful for Greek interests.
The effort to internationalise an issue that by its very nature is supranational and yet is treated as a domestic problem is a step in the right direction.
The Turkish research vessel on 31 January entered an area above the Greek continental shelf causing heightened concern in Athens, as it entered and exited areas under Greek sovereignty for many hours.
In a tweet on the 27 conversation Trump’s spokesman John Deere said, 'President Trump also highlighted the importance of Turkey and Greece resolving their disagreements in the eastern Mediterranean.'
Erdogan went as far as to maintain that Turkish-occupied Cyprus (recognised only by Turkey as a state) will split any gas and oil Ankara finds in the EEZ of the Republic of Cyprus with the Greek-Cypriots.
Greece must not be dragged along by the sensationalist moves that are a staple of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, whether he is motivated by expansionism, megalomania or domestic issues..
Turkey’s untrammeled audacity and enormous provocations have led to not unfounded suspicions that Ankara is getting ready for extremely bellicose acts against Greece.
The leader of Turkey loses no opportunity to display his aggressiveness. Yesterday he spoke about grey zones in the Aegean (Greek islands whose sovereignty Ankara disputes) and accused Greece and its allies of trying to block Turkey’s access to the sea. He announced that he will bolster Ankara’s military support for the government of Libya. Athens responds to this intransigence with the Agreement of the Four in which it is joined by Israel, Egypt, and Cyprus for the construction of the EastMed pipeline. Greece is also taking initiatives in the Middle East such as the foreign minister’s trip to Libya and Egypt yesterday. Along with these moves the government must not forget that Turkey will remain our neighbour. Hence, channels of communication must remain open not in order to make bilateral agreements on issues (mainly of sovereignty) that divide the countries and which Athens has always considered non-negotiable, but rather to make it possible for Greece and Turkey to eventually go to the International Court of Justice to resolve issues that the two sides have agreed to in advance. There are many obstacles in such a course. The Greek political class fears the political cost that reviving this issue will have. The Turkish political class, which theoretically does not rule out such an eventuality in fact places so many preconditions that make such a solution prohibitive. That does not mean that diplomacy must resign itself to the current situation and problems. A military clash would be disastrous for both countries. Greece is also taking initiatives in the Middle East such as the foreign minister’s trip to Libya and Egypt yesterday.
Though the defence of sovereign rights is a paramount aim, nothing and no one should drag the country down pathways that diverge from post-war European mores such as the avoidance of armed conflict,.
s. 'Those that signed it do not have any legal authority to do so, since the government itself was rejected. It lost a confidence vote twice and has not been legally sworn in
Yet when one goes from theory to the reality on the ground, one cannot but wonder how that aim can be achieved when Turkey is attempting to to create in a totally arbitrary manner a corridor in the Mediterranean.
'SYRIZA has become their [terrorists'] refuge. Consequently, we expect you to take a stand. Your support will strengthen our support for you.,' Erdogan said he told Mitsotakis.
The dialogue with Turkey must continue even if the positions of the Greek side are of those of one crying in the wilderness.
Mitsotakis told Erdogan that the Turkey-Libya MOU on delimiting the two countries' EEZs is legally null and void.
As recently as 21 November a senior State Department official told reporters Turkey needed to “get rid of” the system. Those comments came after President Tayyip Erdogan met U.S. President Donald Trump at the White House.
The House has also voted in favor of a non-binding resolution recognizing as genocide the deaths of 1.5 million Armenians 100 years ago,
Mitsotakis told Erdogan that he supports Cypriot President Nicos Anastasiades’ proposal for the sharing of the island’s hydrocarbons wealth between the two communities.
The last decades have demonstrated that despite expressions of friendship Turkey’s policies, demands, and threats remain steadfast.
CHP's Canan Kaftancioglu accused of insulting the government and public servants, inciting hatred and enmity, mostly on the basis of tweets posted between 2012 and 2017.
The numbers are truly amazing and unique globally if one considers the number of lives that were lost over the Aegean over the past decades in an undeclared war.
'It’s a very tough situation that they’re in, and it’s a very tough situation that we’ve been placed in the United States ... we’ll see what happens. But it’s not really fair,'Trump said.
Whether one likes it or not, Turkey holds the key to managing the refugee issue and it is in a position to use it to blackmail whenever it feels cornered.
The argument that perpetuation of the status quo on Cyprus benefits the Greek-Cypriot side or at least will not change the geopolitical realities is collapsing
The government and the opposition, trapped in a ruthless political clash just ten days before the European Parliament election, are downplaying or even ignoring Turkey’s evolving and escalating hostility in the region. With constant manoeuvres, Erdogan is disputing the status quo in the Eastern Mediterranean and seeking an opportunity to advance what he views as his interests. He has pressed forward with gas exploration in Cyprus’ Exclusive Economic zone with a rather tepid international response. He formalised his claims by summoning the diplomats of neighbouring countries, including Cyprus, Egypt, and Greece. He is pressing on with huge military exercises and loses no opportunity to violate Greek airspace. If one factors in the tensions in the broader region – with attacks on ships and the open conflict between the US and Iran – it is clear that the situation is becoming explosive. The Greek government’s statements of condemnation obviously do not address the issue, nor does a merely formal alignment of the government and the opposition suffice to confront Ankara’s provocations. Unfortunately, domestic political polarisation does not permit the hammering out of a unified national line that can address current threats and provide a long-term national strategy. Pressured by domestic economic problems and his party’s loss of the Istanbul mayoralty, Erdogan is seeking a way out of his impasse abroad so as to rally his domestic political base. Erdogan is unpredictable and volatile and thus there is a danger that he might provoke a crisis that could easily spin out of control. There is enough military firepower gathered in the Eastern Mediterranean to pose the risk of triggering an explosion at any moment. The leader of the American superpower is also unstable and unpredictable enough to provoke a crisis in the region in order to flex his muscle. Meanwhile, the fact that the European Union is almost paralysed and unable at the moment to take bold decisions further complicates the situation. In Greece, the necessary national understanding is being undermined by the frenzied electoral campaign. The prime minister, who should have taken the initiative to rally political forces so as to forge a national strategy, is preoccupied with his struggle to cling to power at all costs. The result is that Greece is drifting and monitoring events as a bystander instead of seeking alliances and fending off designs and provocations. Though there is absolutely no room for complacency, we are preoccupied with polarising domestic clashes instead of seeking the basis for an understanding at least on national issues that have bedeviled us for decades. The government and the opposition, trapped in a ruthless political clash just ten days before the European Parliament election, are downplaying or even ignoring Turkey’s evolving and escalating hostility in the region.
The S-400s radars have a range of up to 570—600kms. They can detect bombers at a distance of 570kms and F-16 Fighters with a 400km range.
The emotional framework may well determine Erdogan's future behaviour. It will quite possibly resemble the behaviour of a wounded beast, which in political terms could result in a new round of provocations, violations, and claims.
Turkish President Tayyip Erdogan has refused to back down from Ankara’s planned purchase of a Russian S-400 missile defense system that the United States has said would compromise the security of F-35 aircraft.
Foreign investors are also unhappy with the current course of economic policy. They would like the Turkish government to promote private-sector investment, keep a tight lid on the budget deficit, and give the central bank free rein to do its job.
Erdogan constantly cultivates the sense of a quest for lost Ottoman grandeur and at the same time he disputes Turkey’s traditional ties with the West.
Erdogan - who is seeking to drum up support for his Islamist-rooted AK Party in March 31 local elections - said on Tuesday Turkey would make the suspected attacker pay if New Zealand did not.
“Always a guarantor of peace, The Turkish Army has never harmed civilians, including kids and women and has never had a reputation as such,” the Turkish Defence Ministry said in a statement.